An "Unauthorized Biography" narrated by Barbara Howar was televised in late 1988 or early 1989.  Jane Seymour Fonda was born to the 1936 marriage of Henry Fonda and Frances Seymour Brokaw (?) on December 21, 1937.  As Henry became enamored with another woman the troubled marriage ended with the suicide of Frances on April 14, 1950.  She slashed her throat in an asylum where she had voluntarily sought assistance.  Ten year old Peter Fonda later shot himself in the stomach, nearly dying, but recalls that his father was very disturbed because the event interrupted his honeymoon with Susan Blanchard. Henry was soon after named "Father of the Year."
 Chubby Jane Fonda went to an exclusive high school in New York State where she was known for eating and purging, but became very close to her stepmother, Susan Blanchard, who became influential with the adolescent Jane.  But Henry was soon falling in love with another and this marriage also ended with a divorce in 1955.  Jane went to Vassar in Poughkeepsie, New York where she was known for her rebelliousness, cutting classes, flunking, drinking and sexual escapades.  She discussed the ideal way she had lost her virginity to an older, more sexually experienced man.  Jane was allowed to go to France in her sophomore year to "find herself" by attending the Sorbonne.
 In 1963 she went to France and cavorted with, primarily, Roger Vadim, whom she first met, and disliked, in 1954.  But she ultimately married him in 1965 and continued to throw herself into the fads of the 1960s, drugs and sex, along with her husband in this highly irregular marriage.  Her daughter Vanessa was born in 1968 and this, allegedly, compelled her to change her focus in life.  Her brother Peter obtained a psychiatric deferment from the draft during the war in Vietnam, a war she admits she knew nothing about.  But she met some GI deserters being harbored by a friend who gave her the first glimmerings of what she soon was to condemn vigorously.  She then went to India and saw the misery there; shocked, she was convinced change was needed.  Upon her return to Beverly Hills she recalls seeing a magazine at a newsstand with an American Indian featured, proclaiming "Red Power", and she realized that the U.S. also has its Indians. She quickly went to Alcatraz where the Indians were holding the island.  She soon became embroiled in every left wing cause available, Huey Newton for Congress, Chicanos, Feminists--all attracted her, but the war in Vietnam most of all.  She began appearing on or near military bases trying to persuade soldiers not to take part in the war.
 In 1971 she began a relationship with Donald Sutherland and formed FTA (Fuck The Army) and also campaigned for Angela Davis's freedom as well as for other "political prisoners."  FTA threw its support to those who resisted the draft, and she and Folk singer Holly Near embarked on a tour of the Far East to spread their message.
 In July, 1972 she went to Hanoi and, according to POW Col. George Day, Congressional Medal of Honor winner, she caused the death of many Americans by buoying the hopes of the North Vietnamese.  They saw two Americas, Fonda's and the administration's.  Michael Benge, a non-military POW, refused to speak well of conditions while Jane was "interviewing" POWs and was tortured for two days for his recalcitrance.
 She did volunteer to radio broadcast from Hanoi, addressing herself to the men on the aircraft carriers in the area; "Use  of  these  bombs  or  condoning  the use of these bombs makes one a war criminal."  When addressing herself to the pilots of the American planes she continued with; "Examine  the reasons given to justify the murder you are being paid to commit."  Upon her return to the U.S. she then addressed cheering students; "I  bring  greetings from our Vietnamese brothers and sisters."  She then described the horrors she had seen in North Vietnam, the devastated homes, schools, hospitals and even the bombed dikes that held back the flood waters.  When the POWs returned in early 1973 and detailed the torture and mistreatment she accused them of lying.  The virtual elimination of American ground combat troops in Vietnam did not satisfy her, she returned to Hanoi in 1974 with Tom Hayden.  Nor, even as the American involvement was winding down substantially in 1972, was she content.  She formed the Indochina Peace Campaign which was anti-Nixon and pro Hanoi.  When compelled to focus on her actions by opponents she asked "What is a traitor?"  "I cried for America."  After Watergate her popularity began to surge again and she began receiving many movie offers, but when Jerry Brown appointed her to the California Arts Council, and the Senate refused to confirm her, she was crestfallen.  The objections to Jane Fonda would surface again when she films a movie in Waterbury, Connecticut where Rosalyn Carter supported Jane against those who objected to her treason and condemned the filming in the city. (Tape 200)
 On the Phil Donahue show taped in September, 1972 in Dayton, Ohio, Jane Fonda elaborated on her views on Vietnam shortly after her visit to Hanoi in July, 1972.  There she expounded on how her campaign to end the war had proved to her that the American people wanted to learn about the facts.  She was just getting the documentation to them.  "Two years ago" she didn't even know where Vietnam was but then she studied after "meeting some GIs in France" and  was convinced that the Americans were being lied to.  Her IndoChina Peace Campaign was launched in Ohio with fascinating receptions by the Catholic, Methodist and Baptist Church.  She had lived in France for 7 years when she found out what was happening and she made up her mind to come back and do something about it.
 She claims to have talked to 7 POWs, Ramsey Clark talked to others, and the POWs were aware of what was going on.  They said if Nixon was re-elected they would be POWs forever.  They read Time, Life, Newsweek and the New York Times there and know what is going on.  They laughed at the idea of having been brainwashed and instructed her to tell our families " we are being taken care of all right."  She proclaimed that "I do support this country." But saw our principles lost by supporting Thieu who had 300,000 political prisoners in South Vietnam.  She would personally vote for McGovern, since his record shows he would probably end the war, but her current campaign was not a political one for any candidate.  The Vietnamese say they want freedom and independence, to control their own country; after all we installed Diem in 1954 without asking them about it.  If Nixon stopped the bombing and got a settlement, would you support Nixon? was a question posed.  Jane never answered, rambling on to what she wanted to say instead about the Pentagon Papers--the digest of course--and the revelation of how we stopped elections in 1956 because Ho Chi Minh would have won easily. We provoked the North to come in and help the South Vietnamese who were being attacked by our forces.
 She says she never called Nixon a "murderer", but a "war criminal."  POWs had told her that the civilian targets they bombed were, they were told, military targets!  As patriotic Americans we must stop Nixon.  Daniel Ellsberg, whom she admires, told her we are not simply supporting the wrong side, "we are the wrong side", and that Vietnamization is simply an American created, artificial civil war.  The fatcats in Saigon, says Jane, deal and get rich on heroin, prostitution, etc, and have villas in the south of France.  When asked about North Vietnamese atrocities she balked, but finally did admit some occurred, but the numbers were exaggerated and not systemic to the regime.  She never encouraged defection by U.S. troops.  She had asked to get on Radio Hanoi and merely told servicemen "We must not be robots...I'm worried about your souls", as she explained what they were doing to the North.  As far as Vietnamization and the war winding down, that she said was a lie.  The war is escalating.  She saw and loved the people of the North who were all involved, everyone was armed, while government officials, unlike those in the U.S., rode on bicycles, unguarded!
 The U.S. started the war, and she has the statistics to bombard the audience with.  "What democracy are we supporting!"  "I don't know enough about Communism", she responded to a question, but she knows the Pentagon Papers speak of bombing the dikes, McNaughton asserts the plan should be studied.  She knows that in 1968 Nixon said such bombings would be in a "grey area", but should be considered.  She recalls how Seyss-Inquart was executed for doing the same to the dikes in Holland in WW II.  She saw the bombed dikes, as did Ramsey Clark and 24 journalists.
 She said she was 35--incorrect!--and that she wasted 32 years of her life and changed when she talked to U.S. soldiers (presumably the deserters in France) who came back and told her the truth so she started studying, resolving to come back to America.  She did repeatedly refuse to answer the question of how could you get to Hanoi when the wives of the POWs could not!  She did later admit that she got in to Hanoi because she was against the war, but could not answer for the North Vietnamese.  She did also assert that the pilots were dropping illegal weapons on the North "but did not know it."  She again claimed the Hanoi government was humane, providing medical aid, dental treatment, etc.
 One in the audience said American Public Opinion saved the POWs when the North threatened to march them in the streets and execute them.  Jane said a group of a dozen POWs put out a July 4th statement speaking against the war and Richard Nixon, and there are many others she didn't see who felt the same.  She had the "feeling" that the other POWs must also be treated well because the 7 she spoke with were in very good mental and physical shape.  She did admit there were some places she couldn't go because of the bombings.  Nixon has fooled the American people by withdrawing ground troops! (Tape 200)
 Tom Hayden was at the 1976 Democratic Convention, more sedate this time around, as an alternate delegate.  He sought, but failed to obtain, Sen. John Tunney's seat in the recent California primary.  He had campaigned on the free enterprise system, but not for the likes of ITT or Exxon; only for small businessmen and farmers who are victims of the present corporate state.  He also called the YAF "anti-democratic," a force on the far right fringe with the John Birch Society and sought an alternative to "corporate tyranny."  Indochina, he added has risen, not fallen.  (New Guard,11-76)
 At the 49th Academy Awards in 1977 Jane Fonda was the introducer for several guests, including Lillian Hellman who launced into a politcal diatribe and received a standing ovation. (HE,4-16-77-Personalities)
 Tom Hayden ran unsuccessfully against John Tunney in 1976, and during the campaign was pleased to proclaim that "We ended a war, toppled two Presidents, desegregated the South, broke other barriers of discrimination." (Time,8-15-77-personalities)
 Tom and Jane also became involved in the anti-nuclear power demonstrations after Three Mile Island;  Jane had just had her film, The China Syndrome, released, just about the time the accident happened on March 28, 1979.
 On September 26, 1979 Jane Fonda addressed the National Press Club and admitted that she had made some "off the wall statements" in the past.  One example where she admitted error was the 19780 claim that Black Panther leader Huey Newton was the only man she would trust to lead this country; it was "naive and utterly wrong."
 She did still believe her visit to Hanoi helped shorten the war.  She refused to go along with Joan Baez in condemning the North Vietnamese because she had been unable to confirm the truth of the charges.
 September 23, 1979 appearance on Meet The Press, both Hayden and Fonda escape severe questioning.
 She was quoted in the Detroit Free Press of November 22, 1970 as having told a student audience at Michigan State University;
"I would think that if you understood what
communism was you would hope, you would pray on your knees, that we  would someday become communists."  (AIM, 79-20)
 Jane arranged to be interviewed by Barbara Walters on June 17, 1988 on 20/20.  The fact that Walters is married to Merv Adelson, CEO of Lorimar Telepictures, the company that markets Jane's workout tapes had nothing to do with the selection of Walters said Fonda's publicist Steve Rivers.
 She thought her manning an antiaircraft gun was merely "thoughtless" and should have been more alert to how it was perceived.  Her broadcasts from Hanoi Fonda claimed, even though she now heard the tape, that she couldn't remember calling our soldiers war criminals.  She did recall, however, that the weapons being used were outlawed "by the rules of warfare"; Barbara apparently thought the answer good enough.  When it came to the torture of POWs which Hanoi Jane had denied, she now decided "It's beside the point.  They suffered.  They suffered enough.  I was angry that Nixon was using their return to make the war look noble."  Insofar as then calling herself a "revolutionary" Jane now thinks that was "dumb", she didn't even know what the word meant.  The anti-war movement of which she was part was "way beyond my comprehension."
 She apologized to Vietnam veterans and their families for any hurt she may have caused, but still thought that her efforts shortened the war and saved lives.
 At Michigan U. in 1970 she asserted "I would think that if you understood what communism was, you would hope, you would pray on your knees that we would someday become communist."  The peace proposal by the Vietcong was "the only honorable, just, possible way to achieve peace in Vietnam."
 She refused to join Joan Baez and others in their protest against the Khmer Rouge slaughter because, as she told the National Press Club on September 26, 1979, she was unable to confirm the accuracy of the charges against the regime.  The purpose of the interview was to polish her image in Waterbury, Chicopee and Holyoke Connecticut where opposition to her movie making there generated controversy.(AIM, 88-14)
 Jane Fonda and Tom Hayden are using their group Network as a vehicle to indoctrinate and enlist younger stars like Tom Cruise, Kelly McGillis, Rob Lowe, etc., into their brand of politics.
 Tom Hayden described SDS members as "young intellectuals in an anti-intellectual society."  They rejected socialism as irrelevant, as did Tom Hayden who declined to join the Young People's Socialist League; he was more enamored of Camus than Marx, at the time and fond of preaching "guts', "laying your body on the line."  He first came to national attention in a photograph of southern police beating his prone body during civil rights demonstrations in Mississippi.
 They took their individual responsibilities seriously, so far that a group once debated for 24 hours on whether or not to go to the beach!  They dismissed Trotsky, but took seriously the themes of David Riesman and other critics of mass culture.   The Port Huron Statement spoke glowingly of American Democracy, yet, paradoxically, found the individual's relationship to that system so jaundiced and pessimistic, one wonders how it could be a model for anything.
 The chimera was "participatory democracy", a term never defined.  Apparently they tried to live it, for all of their meetings broke up in chaotic ventings and searches for "utter sincerity."  At one point meetings had no chairman, no leaders==EQUALITY.
 Communism was not feared, more benign than anything else, but anti-communism was feared; McCarthyism!  They finally accepted Communists as members, not for ideological reasons, but because any effort to restrict membership smacked of McCarthyism.
 SDS sprang from the League for Industrial Development, LID, the campus wing, almost moribund, being the Student League for Industrial Democracy which was ultimately renamed SDS.  The LID relationship was maintained, it provided tax exemption and connections to organized labor.  LID was opposed to Communists in the membership, and SDS just couldn't see why, other than LID was made up of aging radicals.  But LID saw these youngsters as initiating blunders that had wreaked havoc in the past.
 The New Left began to see attractive features in China, North Vietnam, Cuba and similar regimes, drawn to Third World countries with their anti-materialism credo.  Tom Hayden wrote in 1962 that there could be popular totalitarian regimes, those that imbued the citizenry with a sense of mission.  Such people would find solidarity in dedicated sacrificing.  In 1966 Hayden visited North Vietnam and returned awestruck with what his companion, Staughton Lynd, called "rice-roots democracy." (AS, Mar'89--Activist)
 Destructive Generation by Collier and Horowitz also has insights into the Fonda Hayden activities. (HE, 6-17-89--Activist)
 In 1977 Jane and Tom bought a 120 acre retreat outside Santa Barbara where they could instruct activists in the liberation of the downtrodden.  But first they had to evict a group of low income tenants.  Jane screamed "So when are you leaving?  I want you out in three weeks!" (HE,12-16-89--Activist)
 On Meet The Press, September 23, 1979, Hayden claims he believes in the free enterprise system, but things like the family farm, small solar energy, but not big corporations which are not really under the control of supply and demand, nor under government control.  He wants employees and consumers having a voice in the corporation.  He does not think Vietnam is now a democracy but is "an authoritarian state." "In some ways that is disappointing to me."  The election of the Rent Control Board in Santa Monica was backed largely by a population of young people and senior citizens.  One thing I suggest to college students is to look at how their colleges are financing nuclear power plants secretly through the use of university and college pension funds.  "I think on issues like nuclear power and support of solar energy, students have a vast, vast commitment that is just waiting for the opportunity to be channeled."  "I have always felt that if citizens had more of a say, we would be a more sensible society."  "I believe that the inflation which is hurting Americans most is clearly in the basic necessities of life; food, shelter, energy bills and medical care, and that in these areas the primary culprits are the oil companies, the medical lobby, the high interest rates, the cooperation of the federal government with the corporations and the banks that make it almost impossible for the average person to buy the necessities of life."(MeetPress,9-23-79--Personalities)
 On the same program Jane Fonda thinks Jerry Brown is the only politician with a vision of the future, although she does not rule out Ted Kennedy as perhaps satisfying her once he expounds on some issues dear to her.  The Senate rejected her nomination to the Arts Council and she feels she was slandered on the Senate floor; "my patriotism was questioned....and I think that smacks of McCarthyism."  "I have experienced McCarthyism in the past, for five years during the Nixon administration.  It was very difficult for me to get work because of my political beliefs."  Her call for more federal spending for health, guaranteed jobs, mass transit, aid to cities, community based courtrooms, public financing of campaigns, aid to education, aid to veterans, for parks, youth centers, grants for consumer advocates and it can be financed because we are spending for a bloated and inflationary military budget.  "A lot of the money goes into areas that are not job producing and don't help the economy.  Nuclear energy is one example."  Jerry Brown talks of taking some of the profits of the oil industry and investing them in mass transit, solar energy.  The "New Deal kind of liberalism, the welfare state approach, isn't working.  "I would say we favor immediate phaseout of nuclear energy and a crash conversion program through alternative renewable technology."  All studies show "that in fact the alternative forms of energy as symbolized by solar produced many, many more jobs."  "For example, in California, a program for solarized California would produce 400,000 jobs a year, and they are in the most chronically unemployed sectors: youth, minorities, unskilled workers, construction workers.(MeetPress,9-23-79--Personalities)
 Jane Fonda responded on her 1972 Hanoi visit during the Vietnam War with "I believe that my going to Hanoi, even though it is controversial and even though I know it is difficult for some people to come to terms with it--and I can understand that emotionally--I believe that under the circumstances at the time it was needed to help end the war.  Everything that I did during the war was to try to bring it to a close."  But when it comes to those now critical of Vietnam she dissembles with "I have not been more critical of Joan Baez.  That is not true.  I didn't sign the ad that Joan Baez put in the newspapers.  It made some very serious charges, and I wanted to check out the charges, so I went to the two most widely respected organizations internationally who are concerned about political prisoners, the Quakers, the American Friends Service Committee and Amnesty International . The heads of those two organizations told me they had not been able to prove the charges that were made in the ad because they were not able to go to Vietnam and investigate.  I think that they have a right to go to investigate.  I support a team going there and looking into it, and I have very forcefully communicated those feelings to the Vietnamese."(MeetPress,9-23-79--Personalities)
 As far as America, "I hope, soonest here, and it is a vision that extends the democracy we have in the political arena to the economy, so that average citizens can have some say-so over the decisions that most importantly affect their lives."(MeetPress,9-23-79--Personalities)
 Tom Hayden's 1978 campaign brochure proclaimed "The stink in our midst is called Corporate Capitalism--an who says we have to live with it forever?"  But what have his theories done for Santa Monica?  A city of 85,000 where the sprawl of Los Angeles meets the Pacific, it is almost entirely residential.  Half is exquisitely kept homes, the rest is between the wars constructions, small lots, old stucco, narrow streets and alleys.  Almost 80% live in rented apartments or homes.  Tom and Jane moved there in 1974 where they lived in a beach cottage until last November 1981; now they live in the poorest part of town in a modest sized home.  In April, 1979 the voters gave the Campaign for Economic Democracy its first success by giving renters control over the owners.  In April, 1981 CED scored another victory with the control of the city government; CED members or CED backed candidates have 5 of the 7 seats and the mayor, Ruth Yannatta Goldway, is a longtime Hayden ally and wife of the chief economic theorist.  In 1978 Hayden appeared washed up after losing the Senate race, but then he formed, with the help of IPS, CED which has spread throughout California.  He is no longer remembered as the man who twice went to Hanoi, who sent a note to a North Vietnamese colonel wishing him "Good fortune", or who later organized Berkeley's Red Family commune.(HE,4-17-82--Personalities)  In 1985 Tom Hayden, now a California Assemblyman, proposed "to memorialize the veterans of the anti-war movement alongside the Americans who actually served. (WSJ, Michael Medved,4-28-86)
 MUSE (Musicians United for Safe Energy) organized the biggest antinuclear rally in U.S. history; Bonnie Raitt, Jackson Browne and Pete Seeger did their thing before 200,000 banner wavers in Manhattan's Battery Park in September, 1979.  Fonda, 41, and Hayden, 38, were also there to launch their crusade, the anti-big business Campaign For Economic Democracy.  They plan to take their campaign to 52 cities in the next month, with the bills being paid by the $5,000 fee they charge for addressing college students. (Time, 10-8-79-VN file)
 The brains behind Hayden and CED is economist Derek Shearer, son of Parade Sunday supplement editor, and a professor of urban studies at Occidental College in Los Angeles.  He serves Santa Monica, (his wife, Goldway, is the mayor) as an unpaid planning commissioner.  He is co-author of Economic Democracy: The Challenge of the 1980s where he concedes socialism has such a bad name that the best way to advance it is to use euphemisms.  For those benighted large corporations he suggests a board of directors divided equally between stockholders, labor and public.(HE,4-17-82--Personalities)
 Santa Monica's rent control law promised "no more than a fair return on investment", not the same as value.  It was directed at "speculators" who rushed to buy apartment buildings and converted them to condominiums, forcing out renters.  The Rent Control Board considers irrelevant such tests as appraisals, comparable rents or comparable sales.  The RCB has five members, all renters to set proper rents and require services.  There were exceptions; Motels, asylums, government property and mom and pop rental units with no more than three units.  Criminal penalties are available for landlord violations.  Mayor Goldway thinks rent control is working, and when answering about the growth of the RCB she blamed it on the landlords, "If the landlords didn't fight the law in courts, then the cost of the bureaucracy would be about one-third of what it is.  It is their decision.  They've decided--the landlords--to make it a big bureaucracy by causing problems, by not filing papers on time, and by challenging with lawsuits.  If they follow the law it would be a minor problem to administer."  The Council passed a resolution condemning U.S. "intervention" in El Salvador.(HE,4-17-82--Personalities)
 A recent attempt to remove Hayden from the State Assembly in California failed by three votes.  It was based on the State Constitution which disqualifies anyone from serving if he advocates the support of a foreign government against the U.S. in the event of hostilities.  The charges were led by retired Marine officer Col. Gil Ferguson of whom Hayden commented, Maybe he "fought in one war too many."  Ferguson claimed Hayden had gone to VN at Hanoi's invitaton, paid by them, gave up his passport to do so and propagandized our troops on radio.  Hayden went to Prague to meet with the Vietcong where he raised his arms and said "I am a Vietcong.  We are all Vietcong."  When our POWs were released he labeled them "liars, hypocrites and pawns." (HE,10-4-86--personalities)
 Jane Fonda is meeting stiff opposition to the filming of her movie "Union Street" in Connecticut and western Massachusetts as Vietnam veterans plan to protest.  Aldermen of Holyoke, Massachusetts have declared her persona no grata, 11 to 4.  Fonda asserts "It happened almost 20 years ago.  It's time to put the conflict behind us.."  She visited Hanoi during the height of the hostilities, posed at the controls of their anti-aircraft guns, visited POW camps and commended Hanoi for their humane treatment of American POWs, later claiming "POWs are lying if they assert it was the North Vietnamese policy to torture Americans."  She made propaganda broadcasts for the North, "I loudly condemn the crimes that have been committed by the U.S. government in the name of the American people."  She urged our servicemen to desert and mutiny, and declared to the North Vietnamese "..we have a common enemy--U.S. imperialism...We hope that very soon, working together, we can remove the American cancer from your country."  In 1979 she denounced Joan Baez for sponsoring an ad condemning the human rights violations of the victorious North Vietnamese.  In 1982 she bought hubby Tom a seat in the California State Assembly for $2 million.(AFJ,Apr'88--Personalities)
 Protests in Waterbury, Connecticut are spearheaded by a group of veterans, some with bumper stickers proclaiming "I'm not fond'a Hanoi Jane."  Fonda claims to have recanted, somewhat, with an interview in Rolling Stone, but her reply to a question on her regrets over going to Hanoi was answered "There was a very definite result from going.  But were that situation to happen today I probably wouldn't go."  The followup question; "Are you saying that going to Hanoi didn't have the desired effect?"  Fonda answered "No. Going was important."  As far as torture of Americans she claims she never said no Americans were tortured, only that "Those POWs who implied a systemic policy of torture were lying."  During July, 1972 she made six broadcasts over Radio Hanoi.  From the one on July 14, 1972 she said;
"This is Jane Fonda speaking from Hanoi, and I'm speaking particularly to the U.S servicemen...I don't know what your officers tell you...but [your] weapons are illegal and that's not just rhetoric...The men who  are ordering you to use these weapons are war criminals according to international law, and in the past, in Germany and Japan,  men who committed these kinds of crimes were tried and executed."
 The other broadcasts quoted Ho Chi Minh and had references to President Nixon as a "new-type Hitler", along with messages to the South Vietnamese soldiers to desert, "You are being used as cannon fodder for U.S. imperialism."(AFJ,May'88--Personalities)
 Major General Gaetano (Guy) Russo has been spearheading the movement against Fonda's filming of Union Street and is having trouble obtaining a permit to demonstrate against Fonda's proposed April 24, 1988 visit.  To the other charges he adds that Jane Fonda asked our POWs to cooperate with the North Vietnamese so things would go well with them.  Senator John McCain refused and both his arms were broken after she left.  She calls McCain a liar!  The mayor, Joseph Santopietro, will not present the keys to the city to her, but that's as far as he's gone.(AFJ,May'88--Personalities)
 The Chicago Tribune editorial contends that Jane Fonda has now acknowledged in an interview with Barbara Walters that her actions in Hanoi were "thoughtless and careless."  "I know the power of images..To have put myself in a situation like that was a thoughtless and cruel thing to have done."  Apparently the Tribune wants us to forgive and forget and try "to keep from snickering at the image of Fonda as a radical threat to the Republic."(N&O,6-24-88--Personalities)
 But Ben Wattenberg adds that on the Walters program Fonda addressed the Vietnam Veterans with "I was trying to help end the killing, end the war, but there were times when I was thoughtless and careless about it and I'm very sorry that I hurt them.  And I want to apologize to them and to their families."  But Fonda wanted more than just and end, she and her type carried the "H, Ho, Ho Chi Minh; the NLF is gonna win."  During the program she added, "I am very proud of most of what I did and very sorry for some of what I did." (CNR,6-29-88-&AFJ,Aug'88--Personalities)
 Vincent Carroll adds that some, like Fonda, consistently suggested that Ho Chi Minh led a noble cause.  Now she asserts "We all did what we felt we had to do," and by traveling to Hanoi she claims she brought back damning information that hastened the end of the war.(CNR,7-4-88--Personalities)
 Dennis Rogers says Jane did more than advocate an end to the war, she was a cheerleader for the other side.  Joe Stallings, president of the NC Vietnam Veterans Inc., says "Saying it is not enough."  Rogers calls columnist Lewis Grizzard's suggestion that she fall on her knees before the Vietnam Memorial is silly.(N&O,7-12-88--Personalities)
 Jane Fonda now speaks at a synagogue in Springfield, Massachusetts and claims that working on behalf of Soviet Jews, with one refusenik in particular--Ida Nudel--changed "my life forever."  She was inspired by her father, "Part of the fabric of my growing up and part of what he taught me as an actor and a human being was that it is important to stick up for people in situations where they can't stick up for themselves."  Nudel was allowed to emigrate last year after Jane Fonda had traveled there to visit her and appealed to Soviet and U.S. officials to secure her release.(SH,7-27-88--Personalities)
 Dennis Rogers did get some pro Jane letters as a result of his column; John Hall of Raleigh who contends Americans were fighting for General Dynamics, Lockheed and GE; how much exculpatory work has Kissinger done?  Jane Fonda was 34 when she went to Hanoi.(N&O,8-5-88--Personalities)
 After being forced to move several times to accommodate Fonda's filming of "Stanley and Iris" in Waterbury, Connecticut some vets chained themselves to a telephone pole and were arrested.  The final arrest of the day came when the owner of Whitey's tavern stood in front of his establishment waving the American flag; he too was arrested.  One arrested veteran asked "Did you fingerprint Jane Fonda when she came back from Hanoi?"  Charges were dropped the following week. (AFJ,Sep'88--Personalities) Fen Guy. Russo, 101 Birchwood St. Waterbury, CT 06708 (203) 573 9528 was the organizer to protest Fonda's movie and sold bumper stickers, "I'm Not Fond'a Hanoi Jane."  Roslaynn Carter was more forgiving, "It is true Fonda was a militant objector during the Vietnam War and did things of which I strongly dispproved, However, itis good for us to realize that millions of young Americans, young and old, strongly opposed some of the actions of our government during the conflict." (N&O,4-25-88)
 As her marriage is breaking up Jane Fonda is forging a new image; pro Solidarity, pro Israel and speaking out for Soviet Jews.  American Jewish Committee gave her the 1989 Social Concern Award.  What, specifically, did she do to obtain Ida Nudel's release?  She worked behind the scenes say award sponsors, but could not say what because "It's hard to be totally exact."  Robert Scheer, Jane's one time boyfriend and co founder with Hayden of the Red Family at Berkeley, former editor of Ramparts, proclaimed "What makes Jane unique is that she dared to criticize her own government at a time when it was extremely unpopular..That's what gives her the moral authority to condemn the Soviets in Afghanistan.  That's what gives her the moral authority to speak out for Soviet Jews.  How dare someone who didn't condemn the U.S. in Vietnam condemn the Soviets in Afghanistan?"  He added "I submit this country will not be mended and will not be healthy until Jane is not only tolerated and made respectable, but rather celebrated for having been the person who did what  many other people failed to do."(HE,7-29-89--Personalities)
 On Gary Hart's peccadiloes, Hayden writes to the Village Voice to postulate the absurd theory that Gary's religion made him do it.  Gary "was testing whether he was morally adequate to be the presidential front-runner by acting on the edge of risk." (AS,Apr'88)
 Gorbachev invited Jane and boyfriend Ted Turner to the Soviet Embassy celebrity luncheon for 38 American "intellectual and opinion leaders."  The new book "Citizen Jane" has her visiting Moscow in 1965 and denouncing American "proapganda" about the USSR; she said the trip opened her eyes about the USSR.  By 1968 she fell under the spell of two dedicated communists, Roger and Elisabeth Vailland, her first political gurus.  While living in Paris she was introduced to the NLF representatives and actress Vanessa Redgrave, a radical Trotskyite and ardent supporter of the PLO.  In 1969 she hailed her movie, "They Shoot Horses, Don't They?" as a "very forceful condemnation of the capitalist system."  Later that year she bought into an idea by then boyfriend Fred Gardner, an ouspoken Marxist and screenwiter, to radicalize GIs through performances at coffeehouses.  In 1970 she became the champion of the BP party, particularly Huey Newton.  Although he was a violent alcoholic, chronic drug abuser and extortionist, she said "He's the only man I ever met who approaches sainthood."  Newton, the Vaillands and Angela Davis became her private Marxist tutors.   In defending Soldedad brother George Jackson she told a rally; "If you strip away the face and false sense of freedom and social justice and comfort that lulls the white middle class into thinking they're safe, you can see the system for what it is--racist, oppressive, totalitarian and monstrous..."  "This is not Los Angeles in 1970, it is Berlin in 1936, and we are all Jews...Kent State and the Chicago trial showed us all, I think, we are niggers to this system."  Roger Vadim said "I feel as if I were babysitting for Lenin."  When Newton was released on bail he was greeted by Mark Lane, Jane, and her current boyfriend Donald Sutherland as he railed against fascist America.  To her, elections were meaningless; "I do not vote.  I've become cynical--the answer is revolution." She wanted to "change the American system through socialism.  Of course I am a socialist."  And what was the ideal?  Castro's Cuba as a near-Utopian society.  By 1975 she was back in Moscow, thanking them "for sending assistance which the Soviet people are sending to Vietnam."  In 1971 she organized the FTA--Fuck The Army--to undermine morale and radicalize the armed forces.
When the POWs returned she added "I think that one of the only ways that we are going to redeem ourselves as a country for what we have done there is not to hail the POWs as heroes, because they are hypocrites and liars....History will judge them severely."  The attacks continued for four months and was not simply popping off as she told Barabar Walters in her efforts at rehabilitating herself. (HE,6-30-90)
  Tom and Stoughton Lynd wrote a book, "Other Side," after their trip to NVN. (HE,9-8-90)
 Ted Turner announces that he and Jane Fonda will marry in about one year, the third for both.  Ted is 51, Jane is 52 and he has five children, she has two. (GNR,12-9-90)
 They did get married in 1991.
 Jane Fonda is Clinton's special "good-will" ambassador to the UN Population Fund and in her speech to world body she laments "Our species alone co-opts, consumes or eliminates 40% of the Earth's photsynthetic energy.." "We must fight to ensure universal access to family planning...backed up with safe abortion."  "I am here because of my husband...He focused on population for a long time, and his vision helped me to see beyond symptoms to a cause."  "We know that right now approximately one billion people do not get enough food to function," but only 2% of world population suffers from serious hunger! (Human Events,10-23-93)
 Mike Harden -- The 1970 police mug shot of Jane Fonda was snapped after the
actress-activist's arrest in Cleveland for smuggling pills and kicking a U.S. Customs agent. In the police photo, her upraised left hand is clenched in a blackpower salute.  In 1970, it might have seemed menacing.  In 1996, she simply looks like a painfully white Atlanta Braves fan wielding an imaginary tomahawk.  Miss Fonda is but one of 200 celebrities who have earned a place in two recently published crime anthologies: "Mug Shots: Celebrities Under Arrest" (St. Martin's Press) and "Famous Mugs: Arresting Photos and Felonious Facts for Hundreds of Stars Behind Bars" (Andrews and McMeel).   A slightly unfocused shot of a younger Tim Allen earned a place in the latter book, thanks to the "Home Improvement" star's 1977 bust for dealing cocaine. Mr. Allen would serve 28 months in Michigan's Sandstone Federal Correctional Institution for the crime.   Singer James Brown, who has posed for enough police mug shots to publish his own book, is depicted only during his eighth arrest, in 1995. Mr. Brown’s lifetime stats include eight arrests, three convictions and more than five years in prison for everything from assault to stealing clothes from parked cars.   Farrah Fawcett also was arrested for stealing clothes -- not once, but twice. In her pre-"Charlie's Angels" encounters with the cops in 1970, Miss Fawcett's shoplifting run-ins resulted in a pair of convictions for the less serious offense of trespassing. She was fined $125 for the first incident, $265 for the second.   Throughout "Mug Shots ' it is abundantly clear that the rich and famous are often accorded preferential treatment once they are in the hands of authorities.   Actor Christian Slater was arrested in 1994 at Kennedy Airport in New Stork for attempting to board a plane while carrying a Beretta 7.65 mm semiautomatic pistol. Had he been Palestinian, he might have been shot on the spot. Mr. Slater, instead was sentenced to do three days of community service with New York's Children's Health Fund.  Brigitte Bardot was once arrested in France for castrating a donkey.   Ozzy Osbourne was taken into custody in San Antonio for urinating on the Alamo.   Paul Reubens (a.k.a. Pee Wee Herman) was already using his stage name before he was arrested for indecent exposure in Sarasota, Fla., during a theater screening of "Nancy Nurse Turns up the Heat."(WT,4-28-96)
 JOEL KOTKIN -- LOS ANGELES—Tom Hayden has the look of a man whose reruns are about to be taken out of syndication. The former New Left icon's campaign for mayor-what he immodestly calls "the Hayden movement"—not only has failed to catch fire but is barely smoldering. Most polls show him trailing the city's phlegmatic Republican Mayor Richard Riordan by more than 20 points.   "Voters here are sunk in apathy and misinformation," the graying politico says over coffee in my Laurel Canyon backyard. "If you get out of a cab in New York or Chicago, people talk about politics. Here it's a million personal decisions."   This wasn't what the one-time mate of Jane Fonda expected. Over the years, Mr. Hayden has achieved some degree of respectability as a California state senator. And he was widely lionized by the media while serving as a delegate at the last Democratic National Convention in Chicago, site of his most famous exploits nearly three decades earlier.
Steady Hand
But the '60s radical's mayoral drive has been mugged by the improving fortunes of the nation's second-largest city. For one thing, there's been a 25% drop in crime— despite O.J. and a host of other highly pubicized incidents—and an additional 2,000 police officers on the beat since Mr. Riordan took office in 1993. After the riots and chaos that ended Tom Bradley's two decades as mayor, polls show voters largely pleased with Mr. Riordan's quiet but steady hand.    A recovering economy poses an even larger problem. Mr. Hayden has embraced the anti-growth message that has become the last mantra of many '60s radicals. Following politics more akin to Henry Thoreau than Karl Marx, Mr. Hayden's platform concentrates on stopping virtually every major development effort—from the Dream-Works studio development at Playa Vista to the expansion of the Los Angeles International Airport—that promises to reinvigorate the city's once buoyant economy.    This enviro-radicalism has won Mr. Hayden the support of groups like the Sierra Club but alienated potential supporters not only in his base in the affluent West Side, but even among such staunch Democratic bastions as labor unions, the entertainment industry and the various minority communities. It's a worldview that seems sharply out of focus given the challenges and realities now facing the city.   Back in the 1980s, when Los Angeles, particularly the West Side, seemed like one big construction site and the housing market was going through the roof, a fervent antigrowth stance might have had a stronger appeal. But like many other major cities, Los Angeles is only now recovering from a deep recession—area job growth has been rising steadily between
1.5% to 2.5% annually over the past 18 months. Many Angelenos' biggest concern is not avoiding a crush of construction equipment but recapturing more of the employment opportunities that evaporated after the late 1980s.   Mr. Hayden's antigrowth stance has not only cost him whatever business backing he might have had, but even deprived him of unified support from Los Angeles's politically powerful cadre of unions. Although Mayor Riordan, a Republican who has favored privatizing some city services, is not exactly labor's idol, many unions— from the traditionally conservative building trades to the more liberal food-processing, education, entertainment and hotel workers' unions-see his pro-growth policies as far better for their members than Mr. Hayden's neo-Luddite approach.    "This mayor is for development in this city," notes Dick Slawson, executive director of the 100,000-member Los Angeles-Orange County Building Trades Council. "That's important to the building trades people who have been out of work in this town, while Hayden is opposing all the projects we've been pushing."    So instead of united labor support, Mr. Hayden now relies on the Service Employees International Union, which represents the city's work force, and on largely phantom unions such as Union of Needle Trades, Industrial and Textile Employees, a fledgling garment workers organization that is a regional media darling but represents no more than 2% of the 120,000 workers in local industry. SEIU, Unite and other Hayden allies were successful in preventing a blanket AFL-CIO endorsement for Mr. Riordan, but a divided union movement has to be seen as good news for a Republican mayor with millions to spend on his campaign.    Not surprisingly, Mr. Hayden expresses moral indignation at the pragmatic stance taken by the pro-Riordan unions. "Some of those construction unions would want to put an office building in your backyard," the graying radical grouses. He identifies unions such as SEIU as the nation's new New Left vanguard, pointing particularly to Latino immigrants, who, he says, come to America with "militancy in their blood."    But Haydenite "militancy" does not seem to be playing terribly well with the city's large Latino electorate, concentrated on the East Side. Mr. Hayden is not exactly a household name in Latino neighborhoods, notes Fernando Guerra, a political scientist at Loyola Marymount University. And Mr. Riordan, an active Catholic and longtime educational philanthropist, has spent years cultivating friendships and goodwill among this largely immigrant population.
Mr. Guerra adds that Mr. Riordan's pro-economic growth policies also pack greater appeal among upwardly mobile Hispanics than Mr. Hayden's attempts at fashionable eco-radicalism. "There's no history there with Mr. Hayden. He seems a decade late," says Mr. Guerra, director of Loyola's Center for the Study of Los Angeles. "His ideas don't resonate—everyone wants to be in a growth mode. People on the East Side want to see a boom."    Even in the black community, the one constituency Mr. Hayden can expect to win, support has been tepid. Such prominent leaders as Rep. Julian Dixon, L.A. County Supervisor Yvonne Brathwaite Burke, L.A. Urban League head John Mack and former Lakers star Magic Johnson have endorsed Mr. Riordan, in large part because he is perceived as the inevitable winner. Mr. Hayden has even lost the backing of prominent civil rights leaders, like former South Christian Leadership Council chief Joe Hicks, who consid- ers Mr. Hayden's attempt to cash in on black support for recently dismissed Police Chief Willie Williams as nothing more than "raw opportunism."    This pales compared to the kind of in vective Mr. Hayden hurls at blacks, such as Mr. Hicks, who have jumped on the Riordan bandwagon. "People like Joe Hicks used to be Communists and revolutionary nationalists, but now seem to be happy to get what they want," he complains. "They know Riordan can cut deals and get them a shopping center."   Much the same can be said for the entertainment moguls, another group that knows something about cutting deals. Led l by such A-list figures as Billy Crystal, agent Freddie Fields, Norman Lear; Michael Ovitz, Arnold Schwarzenegger and Paramount Pictures head Sherry Lansing, Mr. Riordan's support cuts across the industry's ideological spectrum. Whatever their politics, they recognize that Mr. Riordan's streamlining of regulations governing the industry has helped spark the breakneck expansion of L.A.'s entertainment industry—more thaw 60,000 new jobs regionally since he took office—as well as fostering the growth of the nation's largest concentration of multimedia firms and employment. "The studios aren't hostile" to Mr. Hayden's candidacy the challenger protests. "It's just that they love Riordan."
Bottom Line
This has left Mr. Hayden precious little support-outside of such leftish actors as Ed Begley and Sean Penn-among the industry most likely to nurture his envirocandidacy. The hardest lesson for Mr. Hayden is that today the bottom line generally means more to people, even Hollywood liberals, than which side you were on back In the Baby Boom's protest glory days.   So Tom Hayden, bracing for Richard Riordan's April 8 electoral tsunami, now plans to wait in principled opposition until the next massive leftward tide comes rolling in. But for now he seems to know his chances of becoming mayor are almost nil. "I guess this means that the '60s are really over," he concedes, but adds wistfully: "But not the end of my politics."  Mr. Kotkin is a senior fellow with the Pepperdine Institute for Public Policy and a fellow in urban studies at the Pacific-Research Institute.(WSJ,3-24-97)

 JODI WILGOREN, Richard C. Blum, the multimillionaire husband of Sen. Dianne Feinstein (D-Calif.), on Thursday accused state Sen. Tom Hayden (D-Los Angeles) of libeling him and demanded an apology for statements Hayden made Tuesday linking Feinstein's endorsement of Los Angeles Mayor Richard J. Riordan to Blum's financial portfolio.    "I'm sorry if I hurt his feelings," Hayden replied at a news conference. But rather than retract his comments about Blum's investment in a construction company that is building the subway for L.A.'s Metropolitan Transportation Authority, Hayden criticized Blum's attorney for misstating the name of the worker, Jaime Pasillas, who was recently killed in the subway tunnel.    Riordan sits on the MTA board and appoints three of its members. "I will not stop talking about it until you give back every dollar you have made, every filthy dollar . . . that you have made off of this tunnel and you turn over all that money to the family of Mr. Jame Pasillas," Hayden, who is challenging Riordan in the April 8 election, said in comments directed at Blum. "This was a preventable death. The Pasillas family is suing the MTA for $50 million. I don't want the public to pay for this. I want Riordan and Blum to pay for this." In a letter to Hayden, attorney Michael R. Klein says Blum "has no investments in the MTA subway tunnel" and "no connection to the quality of the performance of the work of any contractor" working on the tunnel. Though Blum does own 37% of Perini Corp., which has a joint venture with Tutor-Saliba to work on the tunnel, Klein notes that Tutor-Saliba/Perini got the MTA contract before Blum's investment deal was finalized. "I'm amazed that mayoral candidate Tom Hayden would try to politicize a tragic death of an MTA worker for his own political gain," Feinstein said in a written statement Thursday. "Tom Hayden's actions confirm yet again why Dick Riordan should be reelected." But Hayden said that by his investment, Blum is "morally responsible and institutionally responsible for the safety of the workers." Asked whether this scuffle is distracting from the issues of the mayor's race, he added: "This is what the mayor's race is about. It's about Riordan and Blum and big money and scandal."(LATimes,3-30-97)
 JODI WILGOREN Standing with one of the state Legislature's two openly gay members, Los Angeles mayoral candidate Tom Hayden vowed Friday that, if elected April 8, he will call on all companies doing business with city government to extend benefits to domestic partners.    Hayden, a Democratic state senator, last month introduced a bill that would require domestic partnership benefits equivalent to those provided for married couples for contractors doing business with state or local government. As mayor, he said he would emulate San Francisco Mayor Willie Brown's move earlier this year, and refuse contracts to anyone not offering such benefits. Brown's move prompted organizations such as Catholic Chariies and United Airlines to launch domestic partner programs.    "This is the kind of health policy we need. It's the kind of fairness policy we need, and it's the kind of exemplary urban policy that we need," Hayden said at a press conference with Assembly Speaker Pro Tem Sheila Kuehl (D-Santa Monica). "It's what we should do." Backed by Kuehl and the Stonewall Democratic Club, Hayden has tried hard to court gay voters, canvassing patrons at coffeehouses and clubs in West Hollywood late on weekend nights. In one club, he handed a leaflet to a dancer wearing just a G-string. But a constituency that has long lent him support now is divided: Republican Mayor Richard Riordan's high-profile appointments of gays and lesbians and participation in the annual gay pride parades and AIDS bike-rides have won him wide popularity and much financial support in the community. "I don't think we've ever quite had anything like this before," said Jeffrey Prang, a gay political activist who was recently elected to the West Hollywood City Council. "Here you have a legislator who's considered one of the champions and stalwarts of [gay] issues . . . but then you have somebody else who, since becoming mayor, has been as good on the issues as you could expect him to be. It's a tough choice." Even Hayden's fliers paint the choice as between "gay-friendly" and "gay-friendlier." Riordan got less than 30% of the gay and lesbian vote when he ran for mayor in 1993, but won immediate praise less than a month later when he rode in West Hollywood's annual gay pride parade. He shored up his reputation in the community by making Michael Keeley, an openly gay attorney and longtime friend, one of his top aides, and by naming Art Mattox, a reserve police officer who is gay, to sit on the Police Commission.   In 1994, he declared a state of emergency in the city and ordered police officers to ignore illegal needle-exchange programs in order to help control the spread of AIDS. He also supported and signed an ordinance passed in 1993 that extended spousal benefits to city employees' domestic partners. "We all thought he would be a disaster going in, and we were wrong. We've all publicly and personally apologized," said Steve Tyler, an actor and leader in Access Now for Gay and Lesbian Equality, which does political fund-raising. "He's just been fantastic on our issues. When I'm talking to him, you would never know that he's not one of us." Tyler's organization raised $30,000 for Riordan--who is backed by the gay Republican Log Cabin club--at a fund-raiser last fall, and more than 100 people went to another fund-raiser targeting the gay community at the mayor's Brentwood mansion last month, Tyler said. The Stonewall club, in turn, hosted an event for Hayden this week. Kuehl agreed that Riordan has fared better than expected, but said she wants more. "There's a difference between 'didn't do anything bad to us' and 'failed us' in some people's minds, but not in my mind," Kuehl said. "I think if you're not out ahead on progressive issues, you've failed us. It's not enough to be 'OK' on these issues." Riordan spokeswoman Noelia Rodriguez said Friday that the mayor "has been there for the gay and lesbian community, is there today for the gay and lesbian community, and he will continue to be there for them." But Hayden's suggestion regarding domestic partnership benefits, she said, probably goes too far. "[Riordan] has supported businesses, at least in spirit, that have extended domestic partner benefits for their employees. . . . Certainly the fact that the city of Los Angeles has thepolicy in place should serve as a model," Rodriguez said. "In terms of mandating that to the next level . . . the mayor does not advocate having government become Big Brother and dictating to businesses how they should conduct themselves." About 375 private companies, including Apple Computer and Walt Disney Co., already have the same benefits for married and unmarried couples, Hayden said. Since the city of Los Angeles adopted the policy, about 400 employees--most of them straight--have signed up, according to City Councilwoman Jackie Goldberg. Goldberg, the council's only openly gay member, said she is currently researching Brown's move in San Francisco and considering repeating it here. Having declined to endorse either candidate in the mayoral race, Goldberg agreed with other leaders that in choosing between Riordan and Hayden, gay voters would probably focus on issues other than gay rights, such as labor, affordable housing and race relations. "Just the fact that Hayden's a Democrat and Riordan's a Republican, in the gay and lesbian community, in this day and age, is going to cost the mayor some votes," Goldberg said. "While it's true that Dick Riordan has a very positive reputation in the gay and lesbian community, and that can't be discounted, we look at the whole thing with a bigger-picture point of view," added Stonewall's president, Eric Bauman. "We look at the bigger picture."(LATimes,3-30-97)
 TIM RUTTEN, PETER Y. HONG,Race and ethnicity are the background noise of Los Angeles' politics.    And the cacophony they generate drowns out a dissonant reality: L.A.'s mayor is elected by one city to govern another.    The Los Angeles that elects the mayor--and other citywide officeholders--remains white and largely affluent; the city the mayor governs is predominantly nonwhite and largely poor. Turnout in the April 8 election will be low, somewhere around 30% of the eligible voters, predicts Susan Pinkus, director of The Times Poll. The most recent Times poll found that 65% of the likely voters are white, 20% are African American, 9% are Latino and 2% are Asian American. These facts delineate the reasons for both Mayor Richard Riordan's substantial lead over state Sen. Tom Hayden (D-Los Angeles) and his continuing difficulties with civic issues involving a racial or ethnic component. In 1993, when the mayor defeated former City ouncilman Mike Woo, Riordan carried 67% of the white vote. African American, Latino and Asian American voters preferred Woo by substantial margins. Moreover, 87% of the white voters who thought "race relations" were an important issue voted for Woo. Last week's Times poll found that substantial pluralities among all races and ethnicities believe Hayden would do "a better job of improving race relations in L.A." Riordan acknowledges the persistence of such perceptions, but says flatly that "they are wrong. I get tremendous respect when I go to South Los Angeles, and it's a feeling I return. It's also true that I don't get along with the vocal few in every community who continually speak in the rhetoric of divisiveness." How should the mayor of Los Angeles reply to such rhetoric? In a recent series of interviews, both Riordan and Hayden discussed their thoughts on the question. On one level, what emerged simply confirmed a singular fact of this year's mayoral campaign: Angelenos seldom have had the opportunity to choose between two candidates whose operational conceptions of fair and effective government are so diametrically opposed. On another, more personal level, what emerged was surprising: Though both men would be loath to acknowledge it, they share important assumptions--and even some conclusions--on how questions of race and ethnicity ought to be approached. For instance, both Riordan and Hayden insist first of all that there is a moral imperative to address this issue. Riordan is particularly explicit in this respect. "God expects me to love people and to deal with them as equals," he says. "The most important thing is that every ethnic group in this city has the same top priorities: They want to live in safety. They want a good education for their children. They want clean, healthy neighborhoods in which to raise theirfamilies--places with good libraries and good parks. "When you walk out of your house in--say, South Los Angeles--and you don't see those things, it's not just bad social policy; it's wrong, morally wrong. Plus, it doesn't give you much hope for your future." Similarly, Hayden insists that "the mayor has to be able to tell the 14-year-old in the projects that hope is on the way. And that 14-year-old has to believe it or the gang violence will increase. The immigrants have to feel that their work as gardeners, janitors and so on is respected. If they're not respected, frustration increases, which too often leads to violence among their children. A mayor can't raise people out of poverty overnight, but he can raise them out of hopelessness." But in the architecture of government--no less than that of buildings--"God is in the details," as architect Ludwig Mies van der Rohe's dictum goes. And when it comes to essential governmental details, particularly with regard to racial and ethnic issues, Riordan and Hayden have markedly different visions. Though the two are separated by less than a decade in age, the 57-year-old Hayden attributes this to generational differences. The 66-year-old mayor, according to the former student activist, has "a pre-1960s view of race. I can't get into his mind, but his attitudes seem paternalistic. His idea of importance is based on your status and your bank account. Everybody else is to be pitied and given charitable contributions. I think he's very tolerant of people who are very successful and happen to be of another race or sexual orientation." Riordan, contends Hayden--who began his public life as a Freedom Rider trying to integrate bus systems in Mississippi--"was not present during the last 30 years for the entire history of the civil rights movement. I'm sure he never attended a single march,ever." For his part, Riordan says he feels "more anger than I've ever felt at anybody, when I hear someone question the depth of my concern for racial equality. I care as much as I am capable of caring." His understanding of racial and ethnic issues, he says, has evolved with experience. "Growing up in New Rochelle, N.Y., there were a lot of blacks in my class during the first three years of grammar school. We were friends. We played together. I went to their houses, which were in the poorest area of town, and they came to mine, which was in the wealthiest. My parents didn't object and neither did theirs. "But when I was 21 or 22, it suddenly occurred to me that our parents never socialized. When I asked myself why, that revelation taught me something." And so, Riordan says, did his adult reflections on another childhood incident. "I was in the supermarket and I saw this young black boy who was lame, and I felt so sorry for him that tears came to my eyes. For some reason, as an adult, I recalled that little moment, and it occurred to me how demeaning my reaction was to him. I didn't know anything about him as a person--nothing about how he coped, what his strengths or accomplishments were. I just assumed that being disabled was awful and that being black made it worse. Demeaning someone by depriving them of their individuality in that way is the worst thing you can do." Separated by time and experience, Riordan and Hayden also have decidedly different notions of what makes for an effective mayor in the nation's most diverse city. To Hayden, questions of "quality of life, crime and violence, education and business growth all come back to race relations. People see into this problem in different ways. But I just see it straight out that this is a city enveloped in constant seismic activity round race. In other words, we've just had some earthquakes while we're talking, but they don't bother us because they're just little vibrations. "They've occurred between people in two separate cars and between people on street corners. We don't notice it. But every 30 years we have a major earthquake along racial fault lines. Just as we design the city's buildings to be as safe as possible from the 'big ones,' we need a social policy that makes life sustainable in the face of the seismic activity that's constantly occurring along racial and ethnic lines." As an example of such a policy, Hayden cites a recent experience that occurred when he spoke to Impacto, the community group organized by Father Gregory Boyle, the Jesuit well known for his work with members of the Eastside's Latino gangs. The group included young people as well as their parents and, according to Hayden, "the last question was, 'Are you ever going to come back?' "So I said, 'Of course, I'll be back. Instead of having 60 staff people downtown, like Riordan does, I'm going to have people in offices in this community. They're going to be teaching people how to use the law in tenant-landlord and consumer disputes, so you can empower yourselves. And instead of making you come downtown, we're going to have community councils where you get the ability to do things. I'll be back every couple of months.' " According to Hayden, the Impacto audience said, " 'Great! Could you write that down?' I said, 'If you don't believe me, sure!' "They didn't ask me to provide a hundred thousand jobs. They just asked me to come back," Hayden says. "That's how disillusioned and powerless people feel in these communities." Riordan too sees racial friction as a reality of life in contemporary Los Angeles, but has a very different view of the partthe mayor ought to play, and of the obstacles he confronts. "In many ways, this is not the great melting pot that I was led to believe in when I grew up as an Irishman whose people congratulated themselves on their assimilation into the rest of American society," he said. "Today, people take great pride in their distinctive cultures. But there's also jealousy of other cultures and antagonism between one culture and another. These are facts you have to deal with and, quite honestly, these are facts I think the media has totally failed to acknowledge because they're concerned about being politically correct." Riordan believes his administration has done a good job of "encouraging the formation of neighborhood groups and they have proliferated throughout South Los Angeles. For two years, I've been speaking with them and saying damn near the same thing: 'If you want to solve problems in your community, you have to organize and take responsibilities.' At our meetings, somebody will ask me a question about 'what are you, as mayor, going to do about the tree that's overhanging my driveway?' "I'll say, 'Organize, get something going. Then you go to the council office or you come to me as an organization or, better yet, do what I would do. Cut the tree down yourself without asking anybody.' I guess it comes down to the word empowerment. If you feel that you can't make a difference, then you won't do anything." To encourage empowerment, Riordan says, the mayor must "bring people of various cultures into solving the problems of other cultures, particularly the wealthier helping solve the problems of the economically disadvantaged. We're really focusing more and more on how can we get the whites from the Valley to help the blacks in the inner city and Latinos in East L.A. A lot of people would like to help, but don't have any idea how todo it. It's our job to remove the mystery and lead them and to do this." In this context, Riordan believes strongly that he leads by example. In fact, he has personally and through his family foundation donated millions of dollars to schools, child-care facilities, churches and community organizations throughout the poorest neighborhoods in the Latino and African American communities. His philanthropy, he says, is directed as much as possible at giving its recipients "the tools to compete." "Some people may think it's paternalism to insist that the people to whom you give money use it to become self-sufficient enough to secure that equality for themselves. But I don't think so," Riordan says. Hayden, by contrast, believes that the mayor vastly overstates the importance of philanthropy, whatever its goals. "Charity has never been a substitute for public policy," he says. "Charity has never been a substitute for a full-employment agenda. Charity is private. Government is public. Charity has strings. Charity keeps the powerless dependent--on charity." To Hayden, the linkage of private philanthropy with the rhetoric of self-sufficiency masks a deep contemporary problem he describes as "the secession of the affluent." "What Riordan is doing," Hayden says, "is part of a march of abandonment away from the inner city, leaving police behind. Investment is relocated to the suburbs, and politics becomes about suburban voters. And the crazy assumption of this process is that we can withdraw from our cities. Well, we can't get out of our cities and turn them into law enforcement processing areas requiring the expenditure of billions of public dollars for the lifetime incarceration of half of the young African American and Latino men in Los Angeles." Similarly, Hayden believes that Riordan's aversion t what the mayor calls "political correctness" actually is an insensitivity to the complexity of leadership in a multicultural city. As an example, he cites the part he says the mayor played in encouraging the Police Commission not to renew Chief Willie L. Williams' contract. "It's like being totally blind to the racial dynamics of the city," Hayden said. "It doesn't mean you pander to race or that you follow some politically correct line. It means that the first understanding of the mayor when he wakes up has to be: 'We're in a city of racial misunderstanding and divides.' The most important criterion to judge the police chief by is whether he has stabilized and promoted harmony between racial and ethnic groups in the city. Everything else has to be seen as room for improvement and not grounds for dismissal. "Willie Williams is the most important healing and stabilizing figure in terms of race relations in the city of Los Angeles right now," Hayden says. "To fire him is the most irresponsible approach that a mayor of this city could take." This is a line of argument Riordan utterly rejects. "I don't judge people on their color," he says, "and I think that's a form of racism. I don't think Willie Williams wants to be judged as a black. He wants to be judged on his competency." In this, as in his approach to community development, Riordan says his personal conduct mirrors his public rhetoric. He points out, for example, that his single largest personal investment stake is in PIA, a national company whose African American president, Tom Gloss, Riordan personally recruited. Drawing on his experience as a businessman, the mayor observes that few blacks apply for jobs at his downtown restaurant, the Original Pantry. "It's basically Latino, for whatever reason," Riordan says. "They don't get man black applicants. They have some black waiters, but not very many. I don't know the reason and I hesitate to guess, but it's true to a great extent throughout the city. [Waiters] tend to be more Latino. I think a lot of groups [like] Filipinos become doctors and nurses." To Riordan, however, such comparisons among groups "take your eye off the solution. You have different cultures that have lasted for centuries, and then you have an African American who started out . . . a little over a hundred years ago, started out from zero as slaves. Maybe in the history of the world you can't expect them to have gotten where other cultures have gotten over many centuries. But that doesn't mean you give up. You have to fight, fight, fight to give them the tools to compete." When asked to name the minority Americans they have most admired during their lifetimes, Hayden and Riordan offered a virtual capitulation of both their common ground and their radical divergence. Both named Martin Luther King Jr. and United Farm Workers founder Cesar Chavez. But when they were asked to explain the latter choice, their different reasons were instructive. "Cesar may be the most important," says Hayden, "because the legacy of the others, including King, has turned into books or stale articles or remembrance days. But if you look at what's really happening in L.A., it's the mobilization of Latino workers. And every single economic justice movement in Los Angeles that I know of is led by somebody who was originally trained somewhere in the farm workers [union]." Riordan's perspective, like his experience, is a different one. "I think our system works best, is most just," he says, "when labor and management fight out their differences on a level playing field. Cesar Chavez did more to level that playing field under more difficult circumstances than anyone else in my lifetime."(LATimes,3-30-97)
 JODI WILGOREN In what could be a boon to his struggling campaign, state Sen. Tom Hayden (D-Los Angeles) said Friday that he has finally collected enough small contributions to qualify for public matching funds, and expects to receive $105,000 in taxpayer money next week.    But Hayden's aides do not plan to submit the checks until Monday, and the city has three days to make sure he qualifies before issuing the check, which could leave the underdog with dwindling coffers as he enters the home stretch to election day, April 8. Records filed with the city Ethics Commission this week show Hayden has less than $80,000 in the bank, compared with more than $600,000 for incumbent Mayor Richard J. Riordan.    Indeed, records show Riordan has paid his political consultant more than twice what Hayden has raised overall (not including the $100,000 Hayden gave his own campaign). In jus the past month, according to his report, the mayor has pumped $1.2 million into his television campaign, placing commercials--one touting his accomplishments, the other attacking his opponent--on nine channels. Running against an incumbent who had amassed a nearly $2-million war chest before he even entered the race--and has a personal fortune estimated at $200 million to back it up--Hayden has worked hard over the past month to play catch-up. He has had several fund-raisers a week, collecting the proverbial nickels and dimes of a campaign through small house parties and interest group dinners. But the events have often fallen short of expectations. More than 50 artists donated work worth more than $30,000 for an auction last week; only 28 items sold, bringing in about $15,000, according to the campaign. The treadmill continues: Hayden went all the way to Orange County for a fund-raiser this week, and Monday is having a tea at the home of Riordan's next-door neighbor, whose lush lawn boasts a "Hayden for Mayor" sign. "We need somebody new," said Noreen Lucille Pollack, who has squabbled with the mayor over property lines and loud parties. "I think every four years you should really have somebody new. It gets to be old hat." The other hotly contested elections in the city find the candidates far closer in fund-raising. City Atty. James K. Hahn reported raising $93,000 over the past month, bringing his total over $1 million. He has $110,000 left to spend and is still raising funds, after spending $500,000 to buy television commercials that will air during the campaign's last week. Hahn's opponent, lawyer-developer Ted Stein, has nearly $178,000 in cash on hand, after adding $200,000 of his own money and raising about $90,000 elsewhere. Stein has collected more overall, though, and spent more than $923,000 in the past month, inluding $800,000 on television ads. In the 11th Council District, which includes parts of the Westside and the San Fernando Valley, front-runners Cindy Miscikowski and Georgia Mercer were nearly neck and neck in terms of fund-raising and spending over the past month, according to campaign reports. Times staff writers Ted Rohrlich and Jim Newton contributed to this story.(LATimes,3-30-97)
    TODD S. PURDUM -- LOS ANGELES -- Early in state Sen. Tom Hayden's half-hour campaign video -- a modest effort that is by far the most elaborate media element of his shoestring race for mayor of Los Angeles -- a woman accosts him at a farmer's market with a well-groomed husky on a leash.     "Why are places so un-dog-friendly all of a sudden?" she demands.     "Oh, the city is hostile to nature in all its forms," Hayden replies drily.     "If you get to be mayor, are you going to change that?"     Hayden assures her, "Oh, the city's going to be wild with dogs."     It is only a moment in Hayden's quixotic bid to lead the nation's second-largest city, but it sums up the madcap, anachronistic feel of the quest. With polls showing him trailing badly behind the popular incumbent, Richard Riordan, in next Tuesday's nonpartisan primary, Hayden doggedly crisscrosses the city these days in a small yellow schoolbus proclaiming "L.A. Not for $ale," a superannuated subversive with steel-gray hair and a merry prankster's mischievous air.     In the last 10 days, he has accused Riordan, Sen. Dianne Feinstein, and her investor husband, Richard C. Blum, of complicity in the death of a worker on a subway project being built in part by a company in which Blum has a minority interest. (He declined Blum's demand for an apology.) He has called Riordan "a racist." (He then apologized and explained that he meant the remark as a sardonic distillation of how the press would report his criticisms of the mayor as "racially insensitive.")     It would easy to poke fun at the gonzo tactics of this former '60s radical, former husband of Jane Fonda, former comrade of Cesar Chavez turned 15-year veteran of the state Assembly, where he has crusaded on behalf of gun control, the environment and his view of social justice. But it would also be wrong.     For better or worse, this 57-year-old survivor of the Chicago 7 is Riordan's only real opposition, having joined the fray when more cautious Democratic candidates declined. And he is doing his best to shake up what he calls his "anarchic, sprawling city of enclaves."     "Much as I dispute the laid-back image that Easterners put on us, because we're actually very intense, there's a ring of truth to the description of the city because it's so de-politicized," Hayden said in an interview the other day. "There is no other city on the Pacific Rim that is in the trouble that L.A. is in: San Francisco, San Diego, Portland, Seattle, Vancouver, they all have vigorous positive neighborhoods, and if you go there they gossip about politics. L.A. is defined as a world in which everything is entirely private, including civic life."     There is a touch of the poet in Hayden, and on the campaign trail his observation has a poignant ring. On Wednesday, only three reporters trailed him as he stumped through the gritty port area of Wilmington, stopping to protest the layoff of safety workers at an oil refinery, to bemoan the plight of contract truck-drivers who work long hours for steamship lines without regular benefits or salary, and to warn that a city-sponsored coal export terminal under construction would spread harmful particles into the lungs of neighborhood children because the builders refused to cover its open pit.     "He is deeply insensitive to the issue of air pollution and he's an elitist who does not care about the health of people in areas such as this one," Hayden said of the mayor before heading off to visit with drug addicts and prostitutes in a shantytown of unpaved, sewerless streets that locals call "the Third World."     Asked several times just what he would do differently, Hayden talked of appointing commissioners more sensitive to neighborhoods, but also seemed nonchalant, once proclaiming, "I don't want to get specific." At one point he walked away distractedly from his own mini-news conference to grab a pineapple protein drink proferred by a supporter.     Hayden cannot afford standard television commercials and has relied instead on radio advertisements, including one featuring an endorsement from the Rev. Jesse Jackson, and the infomercial video, broadcast a few times on a local cable channel. Local political experts confess puzzlement at his campaign.     "I initially believed that this campaign had very little to do with 1997 and everything to do with the year 2001, when the mayor's office is vacant and term limits mean Hayden will be out of office in Sacramento," said Sherry Bebitch Jeffe, an analyst at the Center for Politics and Economics at the Claremont Graduate School. "It seemed like the perfect shakedown cruise, but his rhetoric doesn't fit with that strategy."     Hayden said he simply decided he "could play a more effective role" as mayor than as a legislator, in a climate in which "both parties seem to be abandoning the inner cities as hopeless areas." He also uses more personal, mystic terms, borrowing an American Indian parable to chart his life's progress from rebellious eagle, to competitive midlife coyote to avuncular, experienced bear. "Being a mayor," he said, "is kind of like being a bear."     But the candidate insists he has no wish to be a "noble loser," and dismisses the assertion of his old friend Susan Estrich, who managed Michael Dukakis' presidential campaign, that he is indulging in a midlife crisis.     "Susan is projecting," he said. "The midlife crisis is hers. She's suffering with being a former liberal; I don't have that problem. These critics are really talking about themselves; I'm just their ink blot. They would really like me to stop irritating their conscience. I really think I'm doing what I should at this point in my life, and they're not." (NYT,4-4-97)